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irginia

C

apitol

C

onnections

, W

inter

2016

13

Evenwel and the

Coming Crisis in

Redistricting

By Mark Rush

For decades, the basic principle of and

constraint upon the redistricting process has

been the one person, one vote principle. It

was established some 50 years ago in

Baker

v. Carr

and

Reynolds v. Sims

. There, the United States Supreme Court

rejected the tradition of using geographic boundaries as the basis for

allocating voters among voting districts.

While geography made sense (and was by no means nonsensical

or irrational) and still can make sense as a redistricting principle,

it clearly discriminates against voters in urban areas where the

population density is quite high. Without the establishment of the

one person, one vote constraint, it remained possible for legislators

to represent constituencies of radically different sizes. As a result, the

impact of one’s vote on the democratic process was dependent upon

where one lived. This was unconstitutional.

The Supreme Court has enforced the one person, one vote

principle with different levels of rigor. While it has acknowledged

that states might have compelling interests to deviate from it under

particular circumstances, the Court has enforced mathematical

precision and equality at the congressional level.

The

Evenwel

case presents an important, natural development

in voting rights law. The appellants in the case have challenged the

Texas legislative districting scheme because adherence to the one

person

, one vote standard now results in radical differences in the

number of

voters

in legislative districts. Essentially, the appellants

have separated the two parts of the one person, one vote standard

and argued that its current interpretation is not only illogical but also

is contrary to the principles that inform American voting rights law.

Persons

do not vote;

voters

do. Herein lies the conundrum.

In

Reynolds v. Sims

, Chief Justice Warren urged that “legislators

represent people, not trees or acres.” But, litigation under the Voting

Rights Act has forced line-drawers to take into account the number of

minority voters as well as minority residents in a legislative district

in order to ensure that minority voters have the opportunity to elect a

“representative of their choice.”

Accordingly, American redistricting law is now fraught with

tension. It is not possible to adhere to the one person, one vote standard,

and treat voters equally if we also take into account the numbers voters

in some districts and the numbers of residents in others. If the voting

population of one district is only half the size of another’s it is much

easier for candidates to campaign and win election in the smaller

district. Similarly, the voters in the smaller district have twice as much

impact on the legislature as those in the larger.

In the space of this article, it is not possible to do justice to the

history of the Voting Rights Act and the important, vital impact it has

had on ensuring the fair treatment of minority voters. But, as the act

has been implemented and as voting rights law has evolved, it comes

as no surprise that new questions arise in the same way that they arise

in every other aspect of U.S. constitutional law. So, how should the

Supreme Court rule and how will states need to adapt?

If the Court rejects the challenge, then legislatures will be free

to create districts with equal populations of residents and radically

different numbers of voters. This procedure has been helpful to

legislatures as they seek to abide by the Voting Rights Act’s demands

to create minority influence districts. But, as

Evenwel

indicates, it

results in disparities of voting power from one district to the next. In

this regard, we have returned to the days before

Baker

and

Reynolds

where your voting power depended on where you lived.

If the Court agrees with the appellants and rejects one person,

on vote in favor of “one voter, one vote”, we can expect to see a

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newly intensified redistricting process that forces line drawers to

pack more minority voters into minority voting districts (instead of

simply packing minority residents into those districts) to ensure that

their state complies with the Voting Rights Act. Insofar as minority

voters traditionally vote Democratic, this will have a negative impact

on the number of Democratic candidates that get elected.

In the end,

Evenwel

demonstrates the illogic at the heart of the

U.S. voting system. So long as we rely on single member electoral

districts and seek to ensure that minority groups have a fair shot at

representation, concerns about gerrymandering will endure. At the end

of the day, legislative districts are drawn with an eye to increasing the

likelihood of a particular result (in terms of Democratic, Republican,

or minority representatives). Regardless of whether the district lines

are drawn benevolently or in the most partisan of manners, it is clear

that voters’ rights depend on the whim of whoever is drawing the

legislative districts. Voters no longer choose their representatives.

Instead, the representative s draw district lines and choose their voters.

There is a solution to this conundrum: states could return to the

tradition of electing their legislators at large or in districts with more

than one candidate. This would alter the dynamic of elections. But

many students of elections maintain that it would increase the quality

and quantity of election day choices, ensure minority representation

rights and make elections more competitive. Nationally, the Center

for Voting and Democracy

( www.fairvote.org

) has advocated for

these changes for two decades. In Virginia, OneVirginia (

http://

onevirginia2021.org/ )

currently calls for redistricting reform.

U.S. constitutional law has evolved over time. Our definitions of

free speech, due process, religious freedom, privacy, voting and other

rights evolve as our society grows, modernizes and changes.

Evenwel

is certain to produce a new view of the voting right. Perhaps we

Virginia might follow the lead of Fairvote and OneVirginia and lead

the nation in producing a new, fairer vision of voting and democracy.

Mark Rush, Stanley D. and Nikki Waxberg Professor of Politics

and Law and Director of International Education at Washington

and Lee University, writes and teaches extensively on voting rights

and elections around the world, constitutional issues, and religion.

His current research addresses the intersection of law, science and

religion, academic integrity, and statistical analysis of baseball.

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